Setting the Stage: Challenges Facing the Adult Female Doctoral Student

The doctoral degree is the pinnacle of education and is pursued by nearly 100,000 students in the United States (Shulman, 2001). Doctoral students experience significantly more stress than most people and report that their stress is mainly attributed to their graduate programs (Cahir & Morris, 1991). This stress is usually caused by feelings of social isolation, which researchers described as the absence of meaningful connections (Hortulanus, Machielse, & Meeuwesen, 2006). This social isolation from meaningful relationships can be further exacerbated by the stress of doctoral studies within a new and unfamiliar environment (Ali & Kohun, 2007).

Conferred doctoral degrees for women in America have increased by almost 10% between 1997 and 2007, eclipsing degree conferral for male students for the first time in history (U.S. Department of Education, 2009). This does not come without its share of challenges, as female graduate students report higher levels of stress because of adding the role of doctoral student to an already existing set of roles the women perform (Hyun, Quinn, Madon, & Lusting, 2006). In addition, research has shown that while women have joined the labor force in record numbers, no significant change occurred in men’s family support roles to complement this change (Vijayasiri, 2011).

Most doctoral students believe they need to postpone having children while pursuing their Ph.D.s, as they are afraid they will not progress adequately toward their degree if they were to have children (Mason, Goulden, & Frasch, 2009). Because the average age of a Ph.D. recipient is 33 years of age, the timing of having a family becomes problematic for the adult female student as she will be near the end of her childbearing years by the time she is finished with her studies (Mason et al., 2009).

Reasons for Returning to University

Creighton and Hudson (2002) estimated that more than 47% of enrollees in U.S. higher education institutions can be classified as adult learners. As women seek to improve their lives, many choose to return to college to boost their marketability (Dill & Henley, 2010). Motivators such as obtaining a higher paying job and advancing work positions are cited as reasons for completing additional education (Carney-Crompton & Tan, 2002; Morris et al., 2003). Other motivators such as learning, personal growth, and enrichment also are major reasons for returning to school (Sander, 2008; Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2007).

Whatever the reason, females are returning to college in record numbers and struggle with the additional responsibility of another social role (Nordenmark & Stattin, 2009). Research has shown that female students are likely to face unique concerns, which may affect their educational and mental health status (Adebayo, 2006), since students who have family or work responsibilities usually face a higher load of external demands (Gilardi & Guglielmetti, 2011).

Murphy and Cloutier-Fisher (2002) outlined the balancing act of motherhood and graduate school. One student participant of the study answered the question of why she decided to subject herself to such a stressful lifestyle by stating, “I wanted to establish myself as an independent person, beyond that of a wife and mother, and to attain financial freedom” (Murphy & Cloutier-Fisher, 2002, p. 42).

What’s at Stake?

In order to succeed academically, the mature student must learn to organize and balance her social and intellectual pursuits with domestic and job responsibilities. Mikolaj and Boggs (1991) stated that female students experience role conflicts when attempting to fulfill more than one role simultaneously within given time limits, is well documented” (p. 13). The numerous responsibilities of a full-time job, school-related responsibilities, and family life can become stressful for female doctoral students, resulting in physical, mental, and emotional distress (Damiano-Teixeira, 2006). This physical, mental, and emotional distress can negatively influence the mental and physical health of female doctoral students.

The added roles and responsibilities of the female doctoral student show that there is much at stake, causing them to spend more time on their education in order to maximize their learning (O’Leary, 2009); more time on their education means less time for other responsibilities. However, female students see this sacrifice as a personal investment in education, which can come at a huge cost to family relationships and may have a significant influence on the adult student’s achievement. Returning to graduate studies can be a daunting task, especially considering the potential negative influence it can have on relationships; therefore, this decision cannot be made in isolation if the family unit is to survive (Gold, 2006). As Carter and McGoldrick (2008) noted, this transition will require the family system to “re-balance, define and realign their relationships” (p. 8). Consequently, this decision requires input from family members since they will most likely be affected. One author commented on the conflicting role demands between school and family, stating that marital difficulties are significant predictors of lower persistence rates among married graduate students (Leppel, 2002).

Although researchers have found that the demands of various roles and time conflicts can result in higher stress, depression, and mental issues for the female student, some researchers also found that the performance of multiple roles appears to provide a sense of accomplishment, feelings of success, and an overall sense of well-being (Home, 1997). Recent researchers confirmed that participation in one role might enhance performance in others or lead to an increased sense of well-being, known as inter-role enrichment (Westring & Ryan, 2010).  Female students cited factors such as the quality and quantity of social and emotional support, or the perceived satisfaction gained from performing these roles, as important factors in determining psychological outcomes (Home, 1998). Employment, career growth, and development, which provide some sense of autonomy, also have been cited as reasons for women’s satisfaction while participating in these multiple roles (Campione, 2006).

The dominant views of society dictate that if women do not adhere to the traditional roles of wives or mothers by maintaining their households in perfect order, then these women may be viewed as bad mothers or wives (Clark & Rieker, 1986). Because these traditional family values are so strong, these women may feel guilty if they fail to adequately manage these roles (Clark & Rieker, 1986). Thus, it appears both positive and negative effects of this decision occur when taking on the additional role of doctoral student. My goal was to understand how the female doctoral student understood her experiences of taking on this additional role, in light of her other existing roles.

Constructs Determining the Sense of Self

Social Constructionism

The term social constructionism conveys the understanding that humans experience the world as mediated by the socially inherited meanings impressed upon them as they interact in society (Gergen & Gergen, 1991). As such, how people understand their circumstances can be analyzed within the context from which these circumstances occur (Gergen & Gergen, 1991). These interactions, and how people understand these interactions, is determined by what Lock and Strong (2010) called “a stock of knowledge” (p. 37) that has been constituted in and by previous experiences with other individuals.

According to social constructionism, social behavior is based on an agreement between members of society regarding what will be believed and valued (Denzin & Lincoln, 2008; Rosen & Kuehlwein, 1996). Weingardt (2000) stated that proponents of “the social constructionist view see the self as being created within an ongoing exchange with others, where narratives from other people are continually and reciprocally being interwoven into the narratives of who we are” (p. 289). Rosen and Kuehlwein (1996) also agreed with this idea by adding that social constructionist means that the self is being created and often shaped by generations of verbal agreements.

Gergen and Gergen (1991) explained that how people see the world takes place “within shared systems of understanding, such as a spoken or written language, and is not viewed as the external expression of the speaker’s internal process, but as an expression of relationships among persons” (p. 78). The assumption is that communities create systems of understanding their world by constructing their own reality (Freedman & Combs, 1996; Rosen & Kuehlwein, 1996). It is with these thoughts in mind that I looked at constructs such as social constructionism, patriarchy, feminism, and ageism as a few of the ways adult female doctoral students may come to construct their social identities.

Social role as a social construction. The roles people play are socially constructed by society to determine behavior and the attitudes people ascribe to these roles (Payne, 2014). Social roles are basic to society and determine people’s relationship to each other by representing the responsibilities and privileges society expects from the performance of that role (Rosow, 1994). When someone tells a child to “respect your mother,” it is because society determined that the role of being a mother should be one that a child respects. Sociologists described two kinds of roles as ascribed and achieved. Ascribed roles are those people are born with; for example, sex, race, ethnicity, and nationality. Achieved roles are those people acquire voluntarily, because of choice, such as education, parenthood, marriage, a doctoral education, homelessness, or criminal lifestyle (Rosow, 1994).

Patriarchy

A patriarchal system defines women within the family by their relationship to men. However, “a society is patriarchal to the degree that it promotes male privilege by being male dominated, male identified and male centered” (Bennett, 2006, p. 55). In society, one cannot out-rightly say that society is patriarchal; however, patriarchal remnants are everywhere. The belief that housework and child or elder care is largely the domain of the woman is rarely verbalized but is an underlying assumption of society. Still, women hear it and feel the burden of these responsibilities, even when others do not speak these views aloud.

According to Wilson (1997), man is made to rule and woman to be ruled. Parsons (1999) also believed that the stability of marriage was dependent on the roles of man and woman being clearly defined, with the man being the breadwinner and the woman as the wife, mother, or housewife, with the man controlling the woman. Mahatma Ghandi (as cited in Kirpalani, 1958) also perceived the woman as mistress of the house and perceived married life for her as a religious duty, which the woman should know from the moment she is conceived. Ghandi (as cited in Kirpalani, 1958) also believed that a woman rendered service to her country by giving birth to intelligent, healthy, and well brought-up children. This was perceived as the personification of self-sacrifice, which includes performing the duties of motherhood on a regular basis.

In a patriarchal culture, women provide services to fulfill the needs of procreation and the sexual needs of men. As such, women are seen as sexual beings that satisfy the needs of men. The old adage that a man’s home is his castle is still a strong dictum of the patriarchal family, and this belief extends into most households (Gondolf, 1989). The system of patriarchy is complex and multidimensional (Gelles & Loseke, 1993; Yllo & Brograd, 1988). Parsons (1999) felt that men should specialize in occupations outside the home and women should be responsible for the home. Parsons argued that roles should not overlap to ensure harmony and unity in the family, which in turn would support community socialization (Lemert, Wanta, & Lee, 1999). In society, men are usually relegated to positions of power, while women are subjugated to positions of submission and disadvantage (White, 2004).

This subjugation of women still plays an integral part in determining the roles women are expected to play in society, regardless of whether they work inside or outside of the home (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). Schloesser (2002) spoke of the patriarchal arguments considered by men as they decided the matter relating to female academics in that time:

Some men argued that women could reason equally with men and therefore should have identical curricula, while others argued that intellectual accomplishments would masculinize the fair sex and encourage women to abandon ascribed duties of motherhood and domesticity; as a compromise women were educated to balance accounts, read maps speak and write correct grammar—all of which were practical skills which were necessary for managing a household, without threatening the sanctity of the marriage contract or the patriarchal separation of spheres. (p. 46)

This legacy of patriarchy in the current society has dictated how women see themselves in society and what men expect of women. This legacy can be so overpowering that although most women work outside the home, it is still expected that women should also be responsible for the majority of the maintenance of anything related to caring for the home. These societal views dictate that if these women do not adhere to the traditional role of a wife or mother by maintaining their households in perfect order, then these women may be viewed as a bad mother or wife (Clark & Rieker, 1986). Because these traditional family values are so strong, these women may feel guilty if they fail to manage these roles, even when they are too busy trying to adequately complete the many other roles they play (Clark & Rieker, 1986).

Patriarchy is so deeply embedded in many modern cultures that even the females who are subjugated to these societal rules experience a level of criticism when they do not perform their roles to the level expected by society. No matter what people do in their daily lives, their attitudes toward marriage and work are all shaped by social expectations regarding masculinity and femininity (Yllo & Brograd, 1988), depending on the culture or society into which one is born.

Feminism and Gender Hierarchy

Freedman (2002) stated in her book that the world before feminist offers ample evidence that man had more power than women. Freedman wrote:

If we listen to folk wisdom or read sacred texts, we learn about the virtues of sons and the lesser value of daughters. A girl is “merely a weed,” in Zulu saying. A Dutch proverb declares that “a house full of daughters is like a cellar full of sour beer;” while Koreans learn that “a girl lets you down twice, once at birth and the second time she marries.” (p. 42)

Exceptions exist to every rule, as when in the 1300s Margaret Mead shook up the notions of “natural” male domination when she described three New Guinea cultures: (a) one in which male and female were equally parental, (b) another in which male and female were equally aggressive, and (c) the other where women were businesslike and men were decorative (Freedman, 2002).

Education identities. The French writer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, justified women’s exclusion from education by creating for them a separate realm that subjugated women to domestic and maternal duties.

He believed formal education was essential for those in Government, as it ensured that citizens would be reasonable, virtuous and independent; but explained that women were neither citizens nor independent because they relied on their powers of manipulation to gain men’s support. (Freedman, 2002, p. 48)

In the 1670s, European women demanded access to formal education. In some countries, such as England, women gained access to education only because they needed to be literate to study the Bible. In the United States, women gained access by arguing that if they were to raise future male citizens then they had to be literate in order to prepare young sons to enter the literate world.

The concept of feminism grew out of this patriarchal system beginning in France in the 1800s and spreading across Europe in the 1890s, and then to North America by 1910 (Freedman, 2002). Women felt they had to fight for every right that men simply take for granted since this was endowed upon them at birth and continued throughout their lives. The basis for the right to “a common human identity with men” (citation, p. #) in terms of the rights men received led to women gaining the right to vote in the United States in the 1920s.

Domestic identities. Women’s domestic identities do not change when women begin earning wages outside of the home, even when men become exempt from household tasks, because men are considered the breadwinners for the home (Freedman, 2002, p. 130). When men and women leave the home to earn wages, women continue to perform more of the unpaid domestic work. The disparity is even higher in Japan and Korea where women do nine times as much unpaid labor as men. In the United States, husbands contributed less than 25% of the total time spent on the four most time-consuming tasks: cooking, cleaning, dishwashing, and laundry (Freedman, 2002).

Childcare identity. Socialized as girls to care for others, women continue to pass on this socialization to their daughters. In the United States where both parents work outside the home, a mother is about four times more likely to take time off work to care for a sick child or parent. This increased responsibility for childcare adds to the imbalance in household labor for women. Women not only respond to the daily needs of children more than men do, they are also responsible for maintaining family and communities (Freedman, 2002, p. 134).

Workplace identity. According to feminist economists Heidi Hartman and Myra Strober (as cited in Freedman, 2002), the structure of capitalism and patriarchy combine to perpetuate discrimination against female employees. These economists posited that the patriarchal family serves capitalism well, in that women’s unpaid labor for childcare and homecare allows their husbands to be productive workers earning higher wages and allows men to succeed at their jobs because their wives perform most of the domestic work, leaving the men free to focus on their work (Freedman, 2002). Women are not afforded the same choice, and employers promote men instead of women because they believe that if a child gets sick, the woman will be out taking care of a sick child (Freedman, 2002).

Ageism

Ageism as a theory is driven by negative bias or stereotypic attitude toward aging and aged individuals. Nowadays people approach old age with dread, and “what was once seen as a natural process is now seen as a social problem” (Nelson, 2005, p. 3). Research indicates that the general population of the United States holds globally negative attitudes towards aging and older people (Donlon, Ashman, & Levy, 2005; Fonseca, Goncalves, & Martin, 2009).

The effects of ageism can be detrimental because they interfere with ambition among older adults and their participation in society (Bousfield & Hutchison, 2010). This may cause older adults to decrease their efforts to engage with others and may negatively affect both their internally imagined abilities and what others believe their abilities to be.

Fonseca et al. (2009) confirmed that ageism can also be turned against oneself as in the situation described earlier, and this attitude can prevent individuals from participating in activities that these individuals believe only to be the domain of the young. Many individuals older than 40 years old believe they are too old to learn something new. Researchers on aging refer to this mechanism as the internalization of negative beliefs associated with aging (Fonseca et al., 2009). Although the participants in this study may not internalize this belief, they may experience ageism from others in their social network or in the school community.

One can see how these multiple roles, influenced by a multitude of constructs, can add stress and anxiety to these women’s lives. The following play into how the adult female student forms a social identity of who she is: (a) the effects of society’s social expectation of a woman’s perceived role as a mother and caregiver, (b) the effect of the patriarchal system on being relegated to the role of housewife and mother, and (c) the effects of society’s perception of age and its accompanying prejudice against older individuals. Based on society’s perception of who the adult female student should be versus who the student believes herself to be, she develops her own unique view of herself, potentially reflecting a positive or negative self-concept.

How these women see themselves can have a major influence on their ability to navigate these multiple roles successfully. One of my goals in this study was to give voice to these women as they sought to understand their experiences in these roles, in relation to the many different labels society imparts on them.

Social Identity

A social identity can be defined by the characteristics of the self-concept of the individual based on one’s group membership (Tajfel & Turner, 2010). Rosenberg (1979) described self-concept as “the totality of the individual’s thoughts and feelings having reference to ‘the self’ as an object” (p. 7); in other words, the self-concept could be described as “the meaning that we hold for ourselves when we look at ourselves” (Stets & Burke, 2003, p. 130). This results in individuals in a certain group categorizing themselves and each other as a part of a specific group (Tajfel & Turner, 2010). When an individual adopts this social identity, that individual conforms to the ideals and practices this social group is expected to perform. As a result, camaraderie occurs within the group that binds members together. Altogether, these social identities make up the self as a whole and play a significant role in one’s self-concept and self-esteem, which determine how and individual perceives himself or herself (Sharma & Sharma, 2010).